In the seminar From Anti-Foot-Binding to Anti-Sexual Harassment: A Brief History of the Chinese Feminist Movement, Professor Wang Zheng traced the historical evolution of modern Chinese feminism as a complex process intertwined with nation-building, anti-colonial struggles, and socialist state formation. Unlike Western feminist trajectories grounded in liberal individualism, modern Chinese feminism has been deeply embedded in the nation’s pursuit of collective modernization and social transformation.

The early discourse of women’s emancipation, articulated by reformist scholar-officials after the First Sino-Japanese War, was framed through the nationalist rhetoric of “a strong mother makes a strong nation.” Drawing on Western modernity, these intellectuals promoted anti–foot-binding and women’s education but ultimately instrumentalized gender equality for national rejuvenation. Women’s advancement was valued not as an autonomous goal but as a means to strengthen the patriarchal nation-state. Female students in Japan, represented by Qiu Jin, began to challenge this dependency model by asserting that women must construct independent subjectivities, thereby shifting feminist consciousness from moral reform to self-liberation. During the May Fourth Movement, feminist discourse aligned with anti-feudal and anti-autocratic struggles, linking gender equality to the project of modern citizenship.

Under the Chinese Communist Party, feminism became institutionalized through state feminism, which integrated women’s liberation into the proletarian revolutionary agenda. The establishment of the All-China Women’s Federation by Deng Yingchao, Soong Ching-ling, and Cai Chang formalized women’s work within socialist governance. Yet, its subordination to male-dominated Party structures rendered gender concerns peripheral, revealing the gendered hierarchy embedded in socialist statecraft.

Following the Reform and Opening-Up, post-socialist gender governance produced a “patriarchal backlash,” urging women to ‘return to femininity” within a consumerist, market-oriented culture. Meanwhile, grassroots NGOs and digital feminists began articulating negotiated forms of agency that operated between state constraint and public activism, achieving key reforms such as the 2015 Anti-Domestic Violence Law and university anti-sexual harassment mechanisms.

In conclusion, Professor Wang likened China’s feminist movement to resilient grass—persistently suppressed yet continually regenerating—embodying the enduring dialectic between structural domination and women’s transformative agency.

Written by: CHEN, Jiangyi

Prof. WANG used chronological lens to trace the evolution of China’s women’s rights movement from the First Sino-Japanese War to the present. The expansion of imperialism and colonialism forces reformers and revolutionaries to reflect the society. During the process of attempting to change social structures, male figures challenged Confucian norms governing gender roles. But constrained by their identities and the limitations of the era, they failed to address systemic flaws. Some elite women rejected the restrictions of being good wives and mothers and went to Japan for studying. They opened the fissures of the traditional gender system, deconstructing social gender segregation. Despite being repressed, they paved the way for a new modern female subjectivity.

The May Fourth Movement’s antifeudal theme was also reflected in the women’s rights movements as well. Secondary-educated female students and working women advocated for women liberation, gender equality, while women’s openness and free love also became main issues at that time. In both rural revolutionary bases and urban underground parties, feminist activities continued. Women in system developed the movement by shaping female heroes of films and establishing the All-China Women’s Federation. More and more women entered traditionally male-dominated fields to work.

After the 1995 World Conference on Women, gender equality was codified in law and became a part of official discourse. Young women use online platforms to carry on the movements in the following ten years. With anti-sexual harassment gradually becoming a major concern, Performance art also became a kind of tool.

Over a century, the women’s movement was varying all the time with shifting political landscapes and social environments. Despite fluctuations in its fortunes, women have accomplished amazing things both inside and outside the system. What Prof. WANG wants to tell us and what we need to believe in, is the enduring vitality of feminism.

Written by: XIN, Gege

Today’s lecture traces the development of Chinese feminism from the late Qing Dynasty to the present. The professor introduced to us the key movements, figures, and transformations across different historical periods. In the late Qing Dynasty, some male elites like Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao advocated abolishing foot-binding and established women’s education. Similarly, some women such as Qiu Jin and He Zhen promoted women’s
liberation through newspapers and participating in revolutionary activities. They played important roles in the 1911 Revolution. In the period of Republic China, Tang Qunying launched the first women’s suffrage movement with some women elites. But it was suppressed by Yuan Shikai’s govement. The May Fourth New Culture Movement (post-1919) marked a significant shift from the late Qing Dynasty. Some intellectuals like Chen Duxiu emphasized the importance of cultural transformation.At that time, those educated female students and professional women became the main force. They advocated drawing on Western humanism, individualism, and feminist ideas. Additionally, they advocated free love, marriage autonomy, co-education, and challenging traditional gender norms. After the split between the Kuomintang (KMT) and Communist Party of China (CPC), feminist activities diverged: CPC feminists moved underground or to rural bases, but the KMT feminists continued urban suffrage efforts. After 1949, some revolutionary feminists who survived the revolution entered leadership roles. Despite resistance, they established organizations like the All-China Women’s Federation and promoted gender equality through media and cultural products. However people started to emphasize on restoring “femininity” because of consumerism and Western fashion influences in the 1980s. Chinese women’s organizations gained legitimacy at the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995. During the same period, a large number of civil society organizations focusing on anti-domestic violence, women’s political participation, and mental health also emerged. In the 21st century, young feminist activists emerged. They used performance art and online campaigns to protest sexual harassment, educational inequality, and domestic violence. Some of the campaigns were suppressed by the government, but the movements still persisted. The Anti-Domestic Violence Law was passed in 2015, and provisions against sexual harassment in the Civil Code were adopted in 2020.
In conclusion, the development of Chinese history is, in essence, the development of women. Throughout a century of ups and downs, Chinese feminism has continuously advanced gender equality. The development of history proceeds in a spiral upward manner. Despite the fact that challenges persist, we still need to make long-term efforts.

Written by: HAN, Yuhui

Professor Wang Zheng delivered a truly remarkable and thought-provoking lecture, tracing the evolution of China’s feminist movement from the modern anti-foot-binding campaign to contemporary anti-sexual harassment efforts. Through concrete images and archival materials from books and magazines, she presented a comprehensive narrative of this movement’s development. Historical Context of the Rise and Development of China’s Feminist Movement: Late Qing Dynasty: China’s male elite suffered a profound shock from the defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War. They viewed Japan—once a small Asian nation comparable to China—as having rapidly transformed into a modern power. Compounding this was the impact of Western values under colonialism: the Western world regarded foot-binding as an extremely backward practice. Kang Youwei advocated abolishing foot-binding, while Liang Qichao championed establishing girls’ schools. Traditional gender hierarchies began to shift during this era. Concurrently, a wave of idealistic, self-assertive, and exceptionally talented women emerged, seizing this historical opportunity. They founded women’s newspapers advocating gender equality, established girls’ schools, and upper-class women traveled to Japan for education. Notable feminist activists like Qiu Jin divorced her husband to dedicate herself to the women’s rights movement. He Zhen founded the Tianyi Bao, criticizing the Confucian tradition of male supremacy and female subordination. The late Qing women’s movement saw instances of male elites “exploiting” women—using “women’s liberation” to promote their own civilized image (by bringing wives to social events) or ease economic burdens (advocating for women’s access to professions)—while often practicing
hypocrisy (such as advocating women’s liberation in public while committing domestic violence at home). May Fourth Era: Beginning with the 1915 founding of New Youth, Chen Duxiu opposed Confucian gender hegemony—challenging male supremacy, dual standards of morality, and the expectation of lifelong fidelity for women. May Fourth feminists entered traditionally male-dominated professions (e.g., female lawyers, athletes, educators), driving sociocultural transformation. The 1924 Kuomintang-Communist collaboration spurred the Women’s Political Participation Movement. Following the parties’ split, feminist activists diverged (joining the CCP, KMT, or remaining independent), with both parties vying for female activists (though educated women willing to engage in social activities remained scarce). The Chinese Communist Party and the Kuomintang held differing attitudes toward “feminism”: The Kuomintang did not stigmatize feminism (Sun Yat-sen supported women’s rights advocacy), while the Chinese Communist Party, influenced by European socialist thought, defined feminism as “bourgeois.” The term “women’s liberation movement” became part of its discourse, and the underground Communist Party infiltrated Kuomintang women’s organizations. During this period, feminist Shen Duanxian emerged as a key figure in disseminating socialist feminist theory. After the founding of the People’s Republic of China: In his “Report on an Investigation of the Peasant Movement in Hunan,” Mao Zedong identified women as oppressed by “four ropes” (including patriarchy). Chen Bo’er’s outstanding contributions in the arts: She pioneered an all-female “heroine film” model, such as the 1948 production “Daughters of China” (depicting the eight female members of
the Northeast Anti-Japanese United Army who threw themselves into the river). Premiered in December 1949 as a tribute film for the Asian Women’s Conference, it differed from later “male-led” heroine narratives (e.g., “The Red Detachment of Women” added a male Party secretary role). Simultaneously, prominent feminist representatives within the Chinese Communist Party: Deng Yingchao, Cai Chang, and Song Qingling founded the All-China Women’s Federation, overcoming male resistance to secure women’s rights. The magazine New China Women, as the official publication of the federation, served as a vital vehicle for national feminist discourse. The federation also championed women’s entry into traditionally male-dominated professions (e.g., China’s first female pilot squadron; Kong Qingfen becoming the world’s first female captain of a 10,000-ton ocean-going vessel).
Contemporary Development of Feminism in China: Young feminist activists gained attention through performance art (like the Shanghai subway anti-sexual harassment campaign) and online advocacy, focusing on issues like combating sexual harassment, domestic violence, and educational equality (protesting universities’ admission policies that suppress female applicants’ scores). Examples include Ye Haiyan’s protest against the principal of Wanning Primary School for sexually assaulting students and the 2014 joint petition opposing Xiamen University professor Wu Chunming’s sexual harassment of graduate students. In 2015, the “Feminist Five Sisters” were arrested for planning to distribute anti-sexual harassment stickers on International Women’s Day, sparking a global petition signed by over 200 individuals. In 2018, Huang Xueqing and others exposed sexual harassment by Cheng Xiaowu at Beihang University, garnering support from alumni at 96 universities—yet the campaign was dismissed as “manipulated by hostile
overseas forces.” Lecture Summary: China has produced numerous outstanding feminists who have fought tirelessly for themselves and for future generations of women. We must not forget their immense contributions and sacrifices. As contemporary feminists, we should equally uphold this spirit.

Written by: WU, Qianqian

From the late Qing Dynasty to the present, China’s feminist movement has spanned over a century. From anti-foot-binding to anti-sexual harassment, it
has deeply participated in and promoted the modernization process of Chinese society. Against the social backdrop where the traditional Confucian concept of “male superiority and female inferiority” had long held sway, the introduction of Western ideas in the late Qing Dynasty spurred reformist scholar-officials to advocate for reforms such as the abolition of foot-binding and the establishment of women’s schools. However, women’s subjectivity remained untruly emancipated. During this period, female students studying in Japan took the initiative to found women’s newspapers and schools, emerging as a vital force in subverting the social system of gender segregation. During the Revolution of 1911, female elites saw the overthrow of the Qing Dynasty as the first step toward gender equality. Although the women’s political participation movement that arose in the early Republic of China
period was suppressed by Yuan Shikai’s government, some participants shifted their focus to education, industry and commerce to accumulate strength for their fighting. In the era of the May Fourth New Culture Movement, women’s educational attainment improved, and the group of female students became the mass foundation of the feminist movement. Many women entered professional fields traditionally dominated by men, leading to a significantly enhancement of female subjectivity. During the Chinese Civil War, feminists split into different factions based on their ideological lines. Some joined the Kuomintang to continue the political participation movement, while others joined the Communist Party, focusing on the actual circumstances of working women in both industry and agriculture and devoting themselves to the proletarian revolution. In the early years of the People’s Republic of China, female Communist Party members continued to carry out the feminist movement, developing feminist ideology in socialist countries using anti-feudal discourse, but it’s still encountered resistance from traditional patriarchal ideas. By the 1980s, capitalist consumer culture was introduced to China. The discourse of femininity gained prominence, and Post-Mao Patriarchal Ideology experienced a certain resurgence. Until 1995, the United Nations World Conference on Women, held in Beijing, became a crucial turning point for China’s feminist movement. Over the following decade, the concept of “gender” “gender mainstreaming” was incorporated into official discourse, and institutional feminism paved the way for the “basic state policy of gender equality” to be included in official documents and law. Meanwhile, local NGOs such as Anti-Domestic Violence Networks developed actively, dedicated to safeguarding women’s rights. In the second decade after 1995, young feminist groups is growing rapidly. The forms of the movement shifted to public actions like action art, and gender issues were widely disseminated through the Internet. Gradually, “anti-sexual harassment” became a core agenda. Despite difficulties, China’s feminist movement has achieved remarkable accomplishments and demonstrated a sustained and profound force for social change, such as the passage of the Anti-Domestic Violence Law in 2015 and the inclusion of the “anti-sexual harassment” clause in the Civil Code in 2020. These advancements are inseparable from the unremitting efforts of generations of women. We should remember their contributions, inherit their aspirations, continue to spread feminist discourse, and make unceasing efforts to promote gender equality.

Written by: YAO, Ye

王政老師以女性主義與歷史學的視角，為我們提供了豐富而精彩的史料，來證實由古至今，在歷史長河中，女性始終都是歷史的創造者和社會發展的推動者。無論是甲午戰爭後，無數上層社會才女抓住歷史機遇，積極參與社會活動，創辦報刊，嘗試打破固有的社會性別體制，促進思想解放與女性主義事業發展。還是抗日戰爭時期，知識女性對於女性主義知識的推廣傳播，促進根據地文化的發展，通過電影等文化作品，記錄中國婦女在抗戰中做出的巨大犧牲與貢獻。亦或是當下互聯網時代，積極開展「反性騷擾」活動，為維護女性權益而鬥爭。女權主義運動從未停歇，也成為了一股意義深刻的社會進步力量。然而令人惋惜的是，在男權制社會中，她們的話語權與貢獻通常被隱藏或湮沒，常常成為了需要「被帶領」、「被開化」的客體化角色。
而回顧歷史讓我們深深感受到，百年來，來自不同社會階層的女性，為女性主義思想發展，女性解放事業，以及中國社會的進步都做出了突出的貢獻與巨大的犧牲。儘管女性主義在發展過程中並不是一帆風順的，但她不畏阻撓始終熠熠生輝，正如王政老師所言「女權運動在這一百年中總是野火燒不盡，春風吹又生，女權主義的生命力則如小草一般，她總能生存下來，並且悄悄地遍及天涯海角」。我們不應該忘記她們，為女性主義事業奮鬥的先驅，同時也是中國社會發展的重要動力。正是前輩的故事讓我們認識到，我們從何而來，中國女性主義從何而來。也正是尋著她們的足跡，讓我們能夠找到女性主義一脈相承的源頭與歷史脈絡。

Written by: HAO, Xu

“縱觀100多年的女性身份衍進歷史，實際上是女人的現代化。”本週，王政教授以中國百年來的女權運動歷史爲線索，重點梳理其中女性身份的演變、女性主體性的構建和女性榜樣，回顧中國女性先輩走向公共生活，在追求平等、自主的道路上的鬥爭與革命。
講座開頭，王教授提到，甲午戰爭後，國族危機、性別隔離制度的鬆動，纏足女性和身份成爲西方列強批評中國落後的象徵。男性精英開始反思中國的落後，認識到女性教育、身體解放的重要性，女性問題成爲了戊戌變法下改革的一部分。其中，梁啓超等改良派推動了“廢纏足”和“興女學”的社會運動，提供了儒家社會三綱五常性別制度“鬆動”的契機。然而，男性主導下的“爲女性服務”難免夾帶政治化、利益主導的色彩，改革的出發點仍然是父權式的，女性更多是爲了“國家有用”而被賦予新的角色，而非真正基於性別平等的訴求，未能從根本上意識到且摧毀男權主導的社會結構。
辛亥革命時期，女性的參與更進一步。女性不再僅僅是家庭中的“國民之母”，而是開始爭取作爲“女國民”的政治身份。王政教授提及秋瑾、何英震等革命女傑，通過參與革命和海外學習，展現當時留日女學生的開放性貢獻，進一步顛覆社會中的女性意識。女性不只是輔助者，她們開始站到舞臺中央，要求自己在國家建設中擁有一席之地。
五四女權運動下，女性主義的受衆和追隨者進一步擴大，受過中等教育的女學生和職業婦女成爲運動主體，強調獨立人格、男女平等、婦女解放。新文化運動中強調反封建、反男權專制體制、反儒家性別制度，提倡自由戀愛、婚姻自主這讓女性的個人身份有了更大的空間。
隨著中國社會主義革命的發展，五四女權文脈賡續至無產階級的勞動婦女當中，發展社會主義國家女權主義。城市的地下黨組織、農村革命根據地，皆有女性以勞動者、戰鬥者的身份參與社會改造。王政教授特別提到女導演陳波兒，一名從女明星到女革命者，爲中國電影事業提供巨大貢獻的奠基者。她主導的全女班子影片《中華女兒》就展現了女性在革命中的堅韌與力量，成爲衆多人兒時“女英雄”的影視啓蒙。改革開放以後，經濟市場化讓女權議題面臨新的挑戰。職場性別歧視、家庭中的性別不平等再次浮出水面。王教授直言，在男權掌握的國家機器下，開展對男權社會的批判難度過高，且極易被矇蔽和中止，社會主義經濟革命必須同女權主義革命同時進行，否則終會導致不平等的再生產和權力關係。此外，由於集中的思潮把控和限制，導致平等的聲音發不出、傳不開，代際榜樣的先進思潮存在與年輕一輩的隔閡。中國女權主義發展仍囿於限制之中，需要全體女性的接續努力。
最後，王政強調，中國女權運動是野火燒不盡、春風吹又生的，女權主義的生命力如小草，無論環境惡劣，總能生存下來，遍及天涯海角。她贈言，“希望所有女性主義者，都能有中國地下黨女性般的精神。”

Written by: YE, Yuqing 

王政教授的講座，勾勒出一部橫跨百年的中國女性主義壯闊家譜。告訴我們，如今的每一次發聲，都迴盪著歷史深處祖母輩先驅的吶喊。
晚清甲午戰敗後，山河破碎，變法圖強成為時代呼聲。康有為、梁啟超等菁英首次將婦女議題推入公共視野。他們提倡反纏足、興女學，透過對社會性別規範的重構，來“強國保種”，讓女性上可相夫，下可教子，培養更優質的國民。可惜這一階段的女子解放本質上是工具性的──女性的價值被捆綁在服務於民族救亡的妻職與母職上，社會性別權利關係仍是傳統的男尊女卑。
但很快，以秋瑾、何震為代表的第一代女性先驅，敏銳地看穿了男性主導的解放背後的利益邏輯。何震一針見血地指出男性倡導女權的三種動機：「求名、求利、求自逸」。由此發出警告：「若把爭取自由解放的權利交付給男子，那不過是為男子所利用而成為其附屬品。」從此，中國女性開始了由自己主導的、爭取獨立人格的漫長征程。五四新文化運動喊出了「婦女作為獨立的人」的響亮口號。此後，女權運動匯入革命洪流。儘管在政治鬥爭中被貼上資產階級標籤而遭遇污名化，但一群堅定的女權主義者在體制內進行了堅韌不拔的鬥爭。陳波兒開創的《中華女兒》等全女性女英雄片，旨在銘記女性衛國的犧牲與貢獻，其強烈的女性主體意識，遠超後來被改編的、必須由男性來指引的《紅色娘子軍》。
歷史並非一路坦途，改革開放後社會上出現思想的倒退，指責毛澤東時代的婦女解放“讓強者不敢相信自己的力量，而弱者誤以為自己不弱”，想讓女性變回附庸。資本主義消費文化落井下石，企圖將女性物化為被觀賞的客體。然而，火種從未熄滅。從1995年世婦會後興起的反家暴網絡、婦女專線等民間組織，到2010年後青年女權行動派用佔領男廁、反性騷擾等行為藝術勇敢發聲，女權主義如野草一般生長延續。從2015年「女權五姊妹」被捕引發國際關注，到2018年羅茜茜舉報北航教授性騷擾引發燎原之勢，新一代行動者取得了不容忽視的進展，但也正面臨前所未有的打壓。白駒過隙，但前輩們的聲音仍擲地有聲：真正的解放必須靠自己，即使前路迷霧不散，先輩們的指引也如星光撒向大地，指引我們一往無前的走下去！

Written by: MA, Ruilei

這次講座聚焦於中國女性參與女權運動的歷史，回望近代展望現代。來自美國密歇根大學婦女與社會性別學和歷史學系的王政教授作為主講，透過回溯歷史、分享史料，介紹一百餘年來近現代中國女權主義者的鬥爭歷程，理清中國女權主義的“家譜”，探究女權運動的成果以及前景。講座圍繞著三個核心問題：一、女權運動產生的歷史背景；二、率先突破儒家性別秩序的女性；三、不同時代的女權運動的不同目標及成果。
首先，梳理女權運動歷史脈絡離不開追溯起源，王教授將時間軸置於晚清甲午戰爭失敗的背景下，帝國主義與殖民主義擴張導致民族危機誕生，主張這一時期社會性別制度鬆動，何震、秋瑾等女性先驅突破女性藩籬，投身女權革命，唐群英等女性力求參政，拓拓了新女性藩籬籬籬籬笆，創造現代女性革命，唐群英等女性力參政，拓拓了新婦女參政，開拓了新女性的道路。
五四時期迎來第二波女性主義者的覺醒，新文化運動的「反封建」主題成為女權的思想政治資源。以女學生與職業婦女為主體的女性主義者提出獨立與平權，全方位介入社會各領域活動，走向女性的現代化。後女權運動隨國共分裂而分流，國民黨繼續於城市參政，共產黨轉入地下或農村。為區別於其他女權運動，共產黨將自己領導的稱為“婦女解放運動”，將“女性主義”污名化為資產階級概念。共產黨女權實踐關注女性權益，陳波兒開創電影全女性敘事模式，鄧穎超、蔡暢、宋慶齡創建全國婦聯爭取制度保障。
80年代，對女權的反彈出現，「女性味」論述佔據主流。 90年代世婦會在中國的舉辦推動民間女權組織網絡的興起。新世紀以來青年女權活躍，上海「女愛」組織、女權五姊妹等組織與活動興起，呼籲民眾關注社會性別議題，並聚焦反性騷擾需求。女權運動在打壓中取得部分成果，譬如家暴成為公共議題。
最後王教授總結：女性主義者的生命力如小草般頑強，不斷重生以女性的切身利益為目標而堅持。我認為，年輕女性需要堅定自我「女權主義者」的身份，表達女權思想，參與女權運動。正如林老師的結論所言，女性是一個整體，每一代女性走出的路都是為女性群體貢獻力量。

Written by: LAO, Yitong

作為歷史學者的王政教授，在進入五四女性相關議題的討論之前，首先強調了史料的基礎性地位。她指出，只有在充分把握中國女權運動出現的歷史語境，並明確哪些婦女突破了傳統性別制度的藩籬之後，我們才能進一步談論女權與新女性主體身份的建構。傳統儒家文化的社會性別規範以男性為主體，尤其強調男女之間的性別分工秩序，這一結構直至甲午中日戰爭爆發後，與之相關的性別隔離制度才得以鬆動。在帝國主義、殖民主義等的外部衝擊之下，中國男性精英階層借助西方視角反思本國，以康有為、梁啟超等為代表的男性知識分子提出“興女學”的主張，為女性參與社會運動開闢了初步空間。王政教授提到，五四女權運動集合了“天時、地利、人和”的歷史條件，正因有了前期的种种鋪墊，才能形成顛覆性的改變。五四女權運動以反儒家社會性別制度和男權專制體制為主題，以受過教育的女學生與職業婦女為主體，提出了多個與女性主體性相關的議題，為女性開拓了更多的話語與實踐空間，使男女平等的思想深入人心。正如我們所能看到的，從古至今，女性在為自我爭取權利的路上從未停歇，我們不應該忽視，也不應該抹去她們奮鬥過的痕跡。從閨閣女子到女學生、參政者、職業女性，女性的主體身份不斷發生改變，女性終於能夠站在時代的舞台上，追求自己想要的未來。放眼21世紀，中國的女權運動在風雨飄搖中依然砥礪前行，結出了累累碩果，這都是一代又一代的女性無私奉獻的結晶。誰說中國沒有女權主義？只有當我們選擇看見的時候，會發現中國的女權主義其實從未斷代。從反纏足到反性騷擾，重新認識這段歷史，才能重新認識這些傑出的女性，正因為她們的勇氣、堅韌、獨立，我們才得以生生不息。

Written by: CHEUNG, Hoiyan